Caught between its purported precision strikes and its murkiness,
civilian casualties and contested legality, the U.S. drone program—which
largely operates in Pakistan and Yemen—continues to define America’s counterterrorism
efforts and its relationships with the rest of the world. Started under former
Pres. George W. Bush, the C.I.A.’s drone program has since expanded to include extensive
involvement by the N.S.A. and, by 2015, conducting surveillance on American
soil. In what first was the centerpiece of weakening al-Qaeda and its
affiliates now sits poised to drive the future of national security enforcement.
But how effective exactly is our drone program at killing our enemies yet
minimizing collateral damage, and do the costs outweigh the rewards?
Well for one thing, Americans seem comfortable with the
idea. A Gallup
poll back in March showed 65% of Americans support the use of drones abroad
in our military and
counterterrorism efforts. While official figures are classified, civilian casualties are estimated at between 323 and 372, with approximately 2,864 militants killed. Supporters of the drone program often point to the ‘relatively low’ casualty count as proof that drones are precise and working, all while only requiring a remote operator. No troops on the ground, no funerals for fallen soldiers. Just unmanned aircrafts thought to be best equipped to address America’s diffuse, global threats.
counterterrorism efforts. While official figures are classified, civilian casualties are estimated at between 323 and 372, with approximately 2,864 militants killed. Supporters of the drone program often point to the ‘relatively low’ casualty count as proof that drones are precise and working, all while only requiring a remote operator. No troops on the ground, no funerals for fallen soldiers. Just unmanned aircrafts thought to be best equipped to address America’s diffuse, global threats.
Although most Americans and political leaders support the
drone program, there are many factors that undercut it. For one, drones operate
in all but complete secrecy. As pointed out by recent
Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch reports, the lack of
transparency and uncertainty surrounding those killed raises suspicions that
some drone strikes could constitute extrajudicial killings or war crimes. And
without paying meaningful compensation to the families of the deceased, the
U.S. risks provoking new enemies in areas we wish to secure and influence for
national security interests.
Drone use has also become a point of tension between the
U.S. and its counterterrorism partners in recent years. Regarding Pakistan for
example, drone strikes have thoroughly warped the U.S.-Pakistan relationship. Just
days ago, a U.S. drone strike in Pakistan killed Hakimullah Mehsud, the leader
of the country’s Taliban branch. Although diplomatic
cables show that Pakistani officials tacitly accept and sometimes approve
of these kinds of strikes, many publicly condemn the recent assassination as a breach of
Pakistan’s sovereignty and territorial integrity in a bid to stir up popular
discontent toward the U.S. The duplicity is eroding an already strained partnership, but they do have legitimate concerns about what this means for peace talks between the Pakistani government and the Taliban.
Overall, America's drone program is complicating things more than it is making things clear. Questions of legality, possibility of war crimes, and diplomatic complications with Pakistan all pose unique concerns of their own. One thing is clear however: drone use retains strong political and popular support at home, a sign that it might take more than collateral damage and war crimes allegations to force the President and intelligence communities to reconsider drone strikes with an eye to their myriad long-term consequences.
Overall, America's drone program is complicating things more than it is making things clear. Questions of legality, possibility of war crimes, and diplomatic complications with Pakistan all pose unique concerns of their own. One thing is clear however: drone use retains strong political and popular support at home, a sign that it might take more than collateral damage and war crimes allegations to force the President and intelligence communities to reconsider drone strikes with an eye to their myriad long-term consequences.
2,864 is a grossly inflated number of "militants killed" when you consider the fact that the US policy regards any military-age male (EG any man above the age of 15) to be a "militant." When you look at the actual biographies of many of the victims, it's patently untrue that they were in any way involved in militancy and in many cases, were community leaders working against the Taliban (Pakistan) and Al-Qaeda (Yemen).
ReplyDeleteI just averaged what the New America Foundation estimated.
ReplyDeleteI would suggest starting with http://www.livingunderdrones.org/numbers/ and continuing on to this excellent report by the Columbia Human Rights Clinic if you're interested in counting methodology and estimates of actual militants killed http://web.law.columbia.edu/sites/default/files/microsites/human-rights-institute/files/COLUMBIACountingDronesFinal.pdf.
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