It
looked like a nightmare dreamt too many times: Israel assassinates top Hamas
leader, Hamas increases rocket fire, Israel threatens a ground incursion, and a
US-Egyptian brokered ceasefire is reached, and in the interim people's lives were lost. To many, the latest conflict between
Gaza and Tel Aviv offers a story told time and time again with much the same
result. The biggest losers were certainly the Gazans and Israelis who lost
their lives – 158 and 3 respectively – while for the most part, Hamas’s
objectives have been achieved, as have those of the Israeli government. Yet for
all the news coverage hailing the end to fighting, has anything really changed?
A rocket is destroyed by Iron Dome. Photo by Emanuel Yellin.
Outside
observers have already called into question Israel’s decision to assassinate
Mahmoud Jabari at this particular moment, with explanations ranging from pure
dumb luck to a political calculation by the ruling Likud party. Assassinating
Jabari when a long-term ceasefire was reportedly close at hand (and may have
been, in fact, in
his hands) risked the fragile peace process, enflamed radical factions, and
created a leadership vacuum. Whoever his successor is will need a long time to
gain the support and popularity necessary to convince Gazans to maintain any
future ceasefires. Jabari was a figure who could negotiate both with extremists
within his own party and those without; his political capital cannot be replaced
in a short period of time and, in many ways, his death will actually hurt
Israel’s ability to implement a peace agreement.
Many
have posited that Binyamin Netanyahu used the assassination to look “tough on
Gaza” in the face of the upcoming Israeli elections in January. Such allegations cannot be discounted entirely, but this was hardly the first time an assassination attempt was made on Jabari, who had been targeted in and survived four previous attacks. Operation
Pillar of Defense was publicly popular in Israel, but Netanyahu may have been
wisest in deciding not to opt for a ground operation that would not have
received such wide support. His government also avoided the internationally
unpopular civilian casualties that marked the last Gaza conflict, Operation
Cast Lead, indicating that the point of Pillar of Defense was not to militarily
overwhelm Gaza. More likely is the assertion that this was not a true conflict
but a testing ground. Israel managed to test the efficacy of the Iron Dome
short-range missile defense system (90 percent of targeted missiles were
successfully destroyed) while at the same time measuring the amount of support
other governments could and would lend to Hamas if a serious escalation with,
say, Iran were to take place. It also tested the United States and other
Western countries’ reactions at a time when the Israeli government is thought
to have severely damaged ties with Barack Obama’s U.S. government. That the
West in large part came out in support of Israel’s right to self-defense was a
welcome diplomatic signal in Tel Aviv.
IDF poster distributed in the West
Iran
was likely the main spectator Israel hoped to impress with its weapons and
defense capabilities, support from the West, and willingness to take military action
when provoked. A conflict over Iran’s nuclear weapons program has been mounting
for months, and Israel had to ensure that if and when a war comes, it can
defend itself from attacks launched from Iran as well as Lebanon and Gaza.
While the Iron Dome system proved itself capable of deterring a short-range
attack from Gaza, it is telling that the Israeli government’s attention is now
on the creation of David’s Sling, a medium- to long-range missile defense
system that would primarily protect it against attacks from Lebanon or Iran.
Now that the near enemy has been subdued, questions of attacks from afar have
once again become Israel’s primary concern.
Much like the Israeli government, Hamas emerged from the
latest conflict with clear victories both domestically and abroad. A longstanding
issue (recently
covered by Zach) has been the challenge to Hamas from within Gaza by other,
oftentimes more militant groups like Islamic Jihad. Hamas stands in a
precarious position in Gaza: in order to keep the peace it must stop rocket
attacks both by itself and other groups, but in order to maintain popular
support it cannot afford to look “soft on Israel.” In other words, it wants to
avoid the problems experienced by Fatah when the group began
policing other militant organizations. Hamas cannot put an end to rocket
attacks by opposition groups without risking domestic condemnation; nor can it
risk not firing rockets of its own and handing the popularity garnered by such
attacks to its rivals. The solution for Hamas was to launch rockets, but largely
at sites like fields where no civilian casualties were likely.
Throughout Operation Pillar of Defense, Hamas managed to look as though it successfully
stood up to Israel and achieved its goals, all the while not risking its
diplomatic standing with the West and other Arab governments. The ceasefire
provides for its three main goals: an end to the conflict, a halt to incursions
and assassinations, and increased ability of movement for people and goods.
Victory rallies throughout Gaza upon news of the ceasefire illustrated that the
Gazan public views this latest conflict as a win for Hamas. The separation of
celebrants into different groups according to political affiliation, however,
demonstrates that obstacles remain to Hamas’s unilateral control of the Gaza Strip.
Hamas
also used the conflict as a testing ground for its new pivot away from its
former Iranian and Syrian allies and towards Egypt, Qatar, and Turkey.
Relations with Syria have significantly deteriorated as Hamas has disavowed the
beleaguered President Bashar al-Asad, and with them the relationship with Iran
has been dealt a blow as well. The flood of Arab envoys that visited Gaza
indicated the tilt towards the other side of the “Middle Eastern Cold War:”
Turkey, Egypt, and Qatar will assume ever-growing important roles in the
mediation of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.
The
clear loser in this conflict, aside from the civilians who lost their lives,
was Fatah and Mahmoud Abbas. Although the West Bank leader persists in his
campaign for non-member status at the UN, his organization’s image among
Palestinians and the world community continues to wane. Palestinians are
disillusioned and disenchanted with his policy of diplomatic recognition, which
many no longer believe will lead to a viable statehood for Palestine. That
Fatah was barely given a seat at the negotiating table for the ceasefire talks
also shows that the international community has noted its diminished
significance in all things Palestine. In the future, it is Hamas, not Fatah,
which will represent Palestinians on the world stage. Only by finding a way to
reconcile with Hamas will Abbas’s party avoid fading away into oblivion.
Top: A Gazan home following an Israeli strike
Bottom: An Israeli home following a rocket attack
Egypt
was the final major player in the Israel-Gaza conflict and newly elected
president Mohammed Morsi revealed himself to be adept at maintaining dove
policies while projecting a more popular hawkish image to the Arab world. His
policies did not stray in substance from Hosni Mubarak’s: he pursued a rapid
conclusion that would avoid further Egyptian entanglement in a messy conflict.
While his rhetoric was much stronger than that of his predecessor, his actions
proved to be in the same vein as Mubarak’s. His concern is keeping the calm
within Egypt. Given the massive security (Sinai) and economic (a deficit in the
billions of dollars) problems his government faces, Morsi served his own
interests in brokering the ceasefire while increasing his domestic and
international prestige. The intent and effects of his power grab immediately
after the ceasefire was announced remain to be seen.
On
the surface, the most recent Israel-Gaza encounter appears to have changed little in the
overall Arab-Israeli conflict. Yet Israel may still see a long sought-after
decrease in rocket attacks, weapons smuggling, and Islamist militancy. Hamas
has already received promises that its people will move more freely and safely
across Gaza’s borders. Egypt’s new government has proved itself capable of
weathering a regional storm. Fatah has been pushed even further to the
sidelines in Palestine. The key issues now will be implementation of the
ceasefire, the continuation of peace talks towards a long-term solution, and
maintenance of the tenuous calm that has been reached in the south. For the sake
of Israelis and Gazans alike, the ceasefire must hold but be recognized as a
temporary solution for which there needs to be a long-term replacement.
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