A Gazan woman surveys here destroyed home. Courtesy Reuters/Suhaib Salim. |
As
the dust and smoke clear over the Gaza Strip in the wake of Tuesday’s ceasefire
agreement between Hamas and the Israeli government, the toll of the 50-day
conflict begins to become clear. The human losses are undeniably first in the
minds of Gazans and Israelis: over 2,200 dead and 11,000 injured, mostly
Palestinian civilians, numbers that bely the terror visited upon both
communities living under siege for almost two months. While the human costs are
horrific, Gaza’s future viability may turn out to be a more long-term casualty
visited upon Gazans. In 2012, the UNRWA released a report
that estimated Gaza would be uninhabitable for the two million plus people who
will be imprisoned there by 2020. As the
damage stemming from the most recent conflict is assessed, there is no question
that this picture will look much bleaker, and the timeline for Gaza’s demise
will have accelerated unless dramatic action is taken on the part of Hamas, the
Israeli government, and the international community.
Over
a quarter of Gaza’s population was internally displaced by the conflict, nearly
500,000 people. As they return to their neighborhoods, many will find that they
no longer have homes to return to. According to early UN estimates, at least
17,000 homes were destroyed, or as much as 20-25 percent of total housing units.
While previous Israeli strategy
in Gaza was to launch “pinpoint” strikes that would take out targeted
apartments (often belonging to Hamas leaders) while leaving apartment buildings
standing, this conflict saw a shift in tactics to destroying whole buildings.
On Tuesday, just before the ceasefire went into full effect, two of the largest
Gaza City apartment buildings were leveled because they contained Hamas
offices. Since Saturday, Israel
had toppled or destroyed five towers and shopping complexes.
Because
of the conflict, much-needed services to beleaguered and ill Gazans will also
suffer. Besides the damage to key infrastructure such as water supply,
farmland, and municipal offices, 40 percent of hospital beds were rendered
unusable. With over 11,000 injured Gazans as well as many more who will suffer
from the psychological effects of the conflict – including PTSD, night terrors,
inability to work or sleep, etc. – will have few resources to call upon as they
begin the healing process, both physical and mental. In addition to the toll of
war in the healthcare sector, Gaza’s only power station was destroyed on 29
July, and “pumping stations, power transmission networks and water pipes have
all been severely damaged.”
The tally of infrastructural damages is currently estimated
at $50 million, although that number is likely to climb as the extent of
destruction becomes clearer.
Destruction in Gaza, courtesy Madji Fathi/NurPhoto/Corbis. |
Gaza’s
economy, already faltering due to the Israeli blockade, will also suffer in the
months and years to come. Estimates place the cost of the conflict at $6
billion to the economy, and businesses will struggle to reopen without the
necessary capital or construction materials. Ten percent, or 360, of Gaza’s
factories were destroyed in the conflict, including the largest factory in Gaza
in Deir al-Balah that employed 450 people. The damage to business is estimated
to be three times that of the 2009 conflict
and will cost businesses at least $70 million to repair. In a territory where
the unemployment rate before the conflict was already 40 percent, it is
frightening to think what people will turn to in the absence of regular
employment. It will almost certainly not be towards activities that are
beneficial to the Gaza Strip as a whole, or to Israel for that matter.
Unemployment
has been and will be a central concern for the Gazan leadership i
n the wake of
the conflict, and a lack of opportunities for Gaza’s youth in employment or
education is especially worrying. 142 schools were damaged or destroyed in the
conflict, and another 90 are now housing displaced civilians. Classes were not
held throughout the 50-day conflict, which means hundreds of thousands of
school-aged children are now behind in school. Sixty-five percent of Gaza’s
population (1.2 million people) are under 25, so without school, and without
jobs, there is a serious and well-founded fear that joining extremist groups
will be the only viable option for many of these youths to feel a sense of
purpose.
According
to Maryanne Yerkes, a senior advisor at USAID, “The gradual descent of youth
into cycles of violence is guided by a complex, interrelated set of push and
pull factors…These factors include job availability, education enrollment,
demographic exclusion, and social stability, which can converge in ways that
prevent youth from completing the transition to adulthood and leave them
permanently excluded from society.” As the New York Times recently pointed out,
anyone over the age of 7 has lived through three wars in the Gaza Strip; in the
absence of meaningful opportunities to improve their futures, it will hardly be
any wonder if these children turn to extremism and violence as they reach
adulthood.
The
current ceasefire has provided for some of the stepping-stones towards a more
sustainable situation in the Gaza strip. Some construction materials, including
much-needed cement, are to be allowed through from Israel and Egypt; one border
crossing has been expanded to allow 600 trucks carrying supplies through each
day, as opposed to the 300 that could cross prior to the conflict. All border
crossings with Egypt and Israel are to be opened immediately, and the meager
fishing area granted to Gaza will be extended gradually from three to twelve
miles. In a month, leaders will meet again in Cairo for indirect talks to
discuss prisoner releases and the construction of a long-awaited seaport and
airport, both awarded to Gaza in the Oslo Accords but never actually allowed by
the Israeli government.
Yet
without a long-term agreement for the gradual lifting of the Israeli blockade,
continued work on the power-sharing arrangement between the Palestinian
Authority in the West Bank and Hamas, and a serious commitment on the part of
Hamas to use resources not for war, but for development, Gaza will likely still
be uninhabitable in 2020. Damages from this conflict are estimated to be at least
three times that of the 2009 conflict and greater than the last two conflicts
combined. Unless the long, difficult, mutually disagreeable process of ending
the blockade (and the seemingly but not necessarily impossible task of agreeing
on a permanent Israel-Palestine solution) is undertaken in good faith by both
Hamas and the Israeli government, the next conflict will come, perhaps sooner
than we think. When it does, it will likely render the Gaza Strip completely
uninhabitable, making this “open-air
prison” truly hell-on-earth for the civilians who call it home.
**The Wall Street Journal has created a compelling before-and-after photo series I encourage anyone interested in the extent of damages to see.
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